Alfredo Hualde Alfaro analyses labour profiles of Uber drivers based on two IDB surveys

Alfredo Hualde Alfaro, researcher at El Colegio de la Frontera Norte (COLEF), published an opinion note in El Correo Fronterizo entitled “Perfiles laborales y conductores de Uber: notas a dos encuestas del BID”, in which he examines the characteristics of Uber work in Latin America in light of two Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) studies conducted in 2018 and 2024.

According to the analysis, digital transport platforms have grown rapidly in the region: Uber operates in more than 18 Latin American countries, with a user base of over 35 million and more than 7 million drivers. In this context, the IDB surveys, administered to thousands of drivers across eight countries (Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Ecuador, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic and Argentina), offer one of the broadest available views of the sector.

Driver profile: male, working-age and highly educated

The data show a predominantly male profile (91% men), with an average age of 41.3 years and a significant presence of people in the later stages of their working lives (16.7% over 54 years old). The education level is high compared to the regional average: 57% of drivers have completed tertiary education, although with variations between countries (Mexico 48%, Argentina 47%, Brazil 45%).

Between 2018 and 2024, the proportion of female drivers increased in all surveyed countries, although they still represent only 9% of the total. Women spend fewer hours online than men (16 hours per week versus 20) and use the platform less during night-time hours, which the report partly attributes to family responsibilities.

Connection hours and the complementary nature of the work

The intensity of platform work varies considerably. On average, 40% of drivers connect between 10 and 30 hours per week, 35% less than 10 hours and 25% more than 30 hours. Brazilian drivers report the highest weekly average (24 hours), followed by Mexican drivers (22.9 hours). These figures include all time connected to the app, not only completed trips.

Hualde Alfaro underlines that, although working hours are on average lower than those of traditional employment in the region, for a significant proportion of drivers platform income is not residual: 64% cover all or most household expenses and more than half of household income comes from Uber. In Mexico, this proportion is particularly high.

Earnings, previous employment and dependence on the platform

The average hourly earnings reported were USD 7.3, with variations between countries: Costa Rica leads with USD 9.2 per hour, followed by Argentina (8.9), Chile (8.8) and Mexico (7.9). Between 2019 and 2024, hourly earnings increased in three of the four compared countries, except in Mexico, where they decreased from 8.7 to 7.9 dollars.

Only 27% of respondents kept their previous job after joining Uber. Those who left their previous job work on average 22.3 hours per week on the platform, compared to 13 hours for those who retained their employment. In addition, 53% reported having other occupations while driving, but 23% depend exclusively on Uber for their economic activity (29% in Mexico).

A relevant finding is that the proportion of drivers who were employed before joining the platform increased from 77% in 2019 to 84% in 2024, suggesting that Uber is increasingly used as an alternative following job loss or change, rather than as an option for unemployed individuals.

Regulatory trends and final reflections

The author highlights that, while most countries still consider drivers as independent workers, Chile and Mexico have introduced significant reforms. In 2023, Chile adopted a hybrid regulatory approach that distinguishes between dependent and independent workers, granting the latter certain rights such as written contracts and wage transparency. In Mexico, platforms monthly withhold income tax from drivers (a progressive rate of 3% to 9%), an innovative mechanism to formalise without converting them into employees.

Hualde Alfaro concludes that the variety of situations —drivers who combine Uber with other jobs, those who depend exclusively on the platform, those who use it as a student supplement or as a strategy following job loss— illustrates the difficulty of designing a single regulation that benefits everyone. The need to preserve schedule flexibility, he notes, hinders the possibility of establishing regulations applicable equally to all transport platform workers.

The publication contributes to the regional debate on digital platform work and aligns with research lines such as those of INSEAI, which analyse new manifestations of informality in contexts of digital transformation and propose policy approaches oriented towards formalisation, labour inclusion and social protection.